Abstract
There has been considerable controversy in the linguistic literature about the nature of Vfin-Adv (V2) order in subject-initial embedded clauses in Faroese: Is it the result of a V-to-T movement, as is typically assumed for Icelandic, or is it a root phenomenon, i.e. V-to-C movement, as usually assumed for the standard Mainland Scandinavian languages. Heycock et al. (2012) argue that both kinds of Vfin-Adv order can be found in Faroese embedded clauses and this paper provides further evidence for that claim. On the assumption that V-to-T is still a possibility in Faroese, some versions of the so-called Rich Agreement Hypothesis (e.g. Bobaljik & Thráinsson 1998) predict that transitive expletives should also be possible in Faroese. This prediction is borne out. However, contrary to predictions regarding direct connection between verbal inflection on the one hand and verb movement and transitive expletive constructions on the other hand, it is demonstrated that speakers who distinguish tense and agreement morphemes most clearly in their speech are neither more likely to accept transitive expletives nor V2-orders in various types of embedded clauses than speakers who do not distinguish tense and agreement morphemes as clearly. It is maintained that while Vfin-Adv is on its way out in Faroese, presumably because of diminishing morphological support and partially ambiguous syntactic evidence, the language has not yet reached the Mainland Scandinavian state in this respect.
Original language | English |
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Pages (from-to) | 165-189 |
Number of pages | 25 |
Journal | Studia linguistica a journal of general linguistics |
Volume | 72 |
Issue number | 1 |
Publication status | Published - 2016 |
Externally published | Yes |